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Sect 14 heade Parry's second Arctic commandr

SECTION 14  PARRY’S SECOND ARCTIC COMMAND 1821-1823

The vast mass of ice flows in what is now McClure Strait had convinced Parry that there was no feasible route for a Northwest Passage in those latitudes. Captain William E. Parry’s second command (in reality his third, but generally known as his second. (See sections 10 & 11) to the Arctic regions was therefore to carry out the Admiralty orders to explore to the northward of Repulse Bay. His vessels of choice were the 377-ton Bomb Ketch HMS. Fury  (built at Rochester 1814) crewed by 60 men, accompanied by the 375 ton HMS. Hecla, whose reinforced strength had proved invaluable against the Arctic ice on Parry’s previous expedition (See section 11). The latter also a Bomb Ketch, she was constructed at North Barton in 1815 and carried a crew of 58 under the command of newly promoted Cmdr. George Francis Lyon. Indeed, Parry had insisted upon two identical ships as it gave him the advantage of moving identical parts from one shop to another, without alteration in time of necessity.

Modifications to the ships’ designs were incorporated resulting from the considerable experience gained on Parry’s last voyage; such as, the ingenious Lambe and Nicholson method of rendering sufficient freshwater supplies from ice melted by waste steam. Condensation-free hammocks were substituted for beds. The ships had reinforced bows with cross bracing and steel plates to act as icebreakers. Cork insulation, cork plugs for the portholes and a coal burning stove in the lowest deck to deal with condensation.
The men were issued better clothing and lemon juice was stored in kegs rather than glass bottles. For greater musical entertainment an organ was included. A number of officers had instruments and some lately published music.

Amongst the ships officers were Lieuts. J. Nias, H.P. Hoppner, and A. Reid, Midshipmen James Clark Ross, F.R.M. Crozier, John Bushnan (assistant surveyor) and Reverend George Fisher (astronomer and Chaplin).
Leaving Deptford on 29 April 1821, the two ships were escorted at the outset by the transport Nautilus (Lt. William Serymgour) that contained extra supplies. In all it is believed to have cost the enormous sum of £120,000 to outfit and finance the voyage.

Considerable attention had been given to outfit the crew with appropriate winter clothing, the design of which being adaptations learnt from interaction and observation of that of the Eskimos met on Parry’s previous voyage.

Having parted from the Nautilus on July 1st. in Hudson Strait, they communicated with three H.B.C. ships bringing settlers to the Red River Settlement.

Anchored to ice floes, Fury and Hecla fell in with a group of 100 trading Esquimaux (note Parry’s spelling). The officers were horrified to find that within a century of interaction with whalers the indigenous Eskimos had become utterly rapacious. Their standards, customs and nature had been altered so much as to become vice rather than virtue. Coasting Baffin Island the two ships then proceeded to the north of Southampton Island. Sailing in clear weather they moved on ice-studded pristine sea to the accompaniment of Narwhals and Beluga whales.

They conducted the first survey of Duke of York Bay, the Frozen Strait and Repulse Bay, confirming Middleton's discoveries of 1742, thus eliminating the last vestige of the bitter controversy. (See section 1)

En route they collected mineral samples such as asbestos, quartz, mica and epidote; continually taking detailed observations of all that they saw of the pristine landscape, with particular attention to the tides.  Also mentioned is what is possibly the first European record of an Inukshuk (Parry Vol.IIIp.44)

Returning through the Frozen Strait on August 23 via the difficult Hurd Channel, Parry took advantage of the exceptionally mild weather. The ships then commenced the exploration of the Foxe Basin, north of Repulse Bay, along the Melville peninsula, littering the map with explorers graffiti in the names of newly discovered islands, bays, channels and capes including Vansittart Island. During the examination of Lyon Inlet and Ross Bay by ship’s boat and shore parties, field tests of the experimental canvas walled Horseman’s Tent were conducted under arctic conditions, together with a customized sleeping bag.

From the outset of the voyage, serious observation of the ice conditions laid down the rudiments of present day scientific study of the Cryosphere and eventual foundation of the National Snow and Ice Data Centre (NSIDC).

Unlike the more practical Parry, who shouldered the responsibility of overall command, Lyon had great affinity and rare respect for the native Canadian Eskimo. He endeavoured to learn their language, observe and adopt many of the customs of those who lived by the shores of the polar sea. Indeed, he even took native hospitality so far as to father a child. His journal forms an early valuable anthropological thesis of a race as yet untarnished by outside influences.

Around the Repulse Bay area, evidence of Eskimo habitation was observed along with numerous Inukshuks, but it was not until Ross Bay that any contact was made. Concluding a minute examination of the coast between Gore Bay and Lyon Inlet, the swift onset of winter caught the ship’s company by surprise and it was only with difficulty that the safe haven of Winter Island was gained. The voyage thus far having added some 200 miles of previously unexplored coast line to the charts.

The ships masts were struck, insulating snow piled high, heating and coverings soon installed to make ready for wintering over. Ample victualling had been provided with enough Donkin and Gamble's Prepared Meats to last until 1824. The experienced officers quickly adopted a routine of work, exercise and artistic pursuit to occupy both body and soul of the crew throughout their long winter sojourn. At last that accomplished violinist William Parry, had now a captive audience for his considerable musical talent, much to the enjoyment of the crew and his own satisfaction. For some it was their first introduction to the music of the Strauss family, Chopin and Mendelssohn. Parry’s violin is now preserved in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich.

The experience gained on Parry’s previous voyage in wintering-over proved invaluable, for previous experiments in comfort, clothing, entertainment and diet now became almost routine and greatly assisted the well-being and attitude of the ship’s company, for no cases of frostbite or scurvy were yet recorded.
Christmas 1821 was illuminated by brilliant displays of the Aurora Borealis and the New Year by minus l22°F., with a severe wind-chill.  On 1st. February 1822 a large number of Eskimo were observed near the ships and their encampment later visited.

Parry may never have known of the Inuit interpretation of his arrival and his activities. But it was clear to the Inuit. He was the realization of Uinigumasuittuq’s prophecy* that her dog-children would return by ship. Despite the language barrier that separated the two races, the Inuit viewed Parry as their kin. This may explain why relations between the Inuit and their Qallunaat visitors remained friendly for most of that winter.

 

 

Their proximity afforded a welcome diversion and useful opportunity for scientific and social study of their customs, language, and adaptability to their environment and clothing. It is believed that it is from this encounter that the use of Parkas as a cold-weather clothing became known, an encounter for which many a person of later centuries shall long be grateful. Parry also purchased quantities of mittens for his crew’s protection, the former being more practical than gloves.

Returning through the Frozen Strait on August 23 via the difficult Hurd Channel, Parry took advantage of the exceptionally mild weather. The ships then commenced the exploration of the Foxe Basin, north of Repulse Bay, along the Melville peninsula, littering the map with explorers graffiti in the names of newly discovered islands, bays, channels and capes including Vansittart Island. During the examination of Lyon Inlet and Ross Bay by ship’s boat and shore parties, field tests of the experimental canvas walled Horseman’s Tent were conducted under arctic conditions, together with a customized sleeping bag.

From the outset of the voyage, serious observation of the ice conditions laid down the rudiments of present day scientific study of the Cryosphere and eventual foundation of the National Snow and Ice Data Centre (NSIDC).

Unlike the more practical Parry, who shouldered the responsibility of overall command, Lyon had great affinity and rare respect for the native Canadian Eskimo. He endeavoured to learn their language, observe and adopt many of the customs of those who lived by the shores of the polar sea. Indeed, he even took native hospitality so far as to father a child. His journal forms an early valuable anthropological thesis of a race as yet untarnished by outside influences.

Around the Repulse Bay area, evidence of Eskimo habitation was observed along with numerous Inukshuks, but it was not until Ross Bay that any contact was made. Concluding a minute examination of the coast between Gore Bay and Lyon Inlet, the swift onset of winter caught the ship’s company by surprise and it was only with difficulty that the safe haven of Winter Island was gained. The voyage thus far having added some 200 miles of previously unexplored coast line to the charts.

The ships masts were struck, insulating snow piled high, heating and coverings soon installed to make ready for wintering over. Ample victualling had been provided with enough Donkin and Gamble's Prepared Meats to last until 1824. The experienced officers quickly adopted a routine of work, exercise and artistic pursuit to occupy both body and soul of the crew throughout their long winter sojourn. At last that accomplished violinist William Parry, had now a captive audience for his considerable musical talent, much to the enjoyment of the crew and his own satisfaction. For some it was their first introduction to the music of the Strauss family, Chopin and Mendelssohn. Parry’s violin is now preserved in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich.

The experience gained on Parry’s previous voyage in wintering-over proved invaluable, for previous experiments in comfort, clothing, entertainment and diet now became almost routine and greatly assisted the well-being and attitude of the ship’s company, for no cases of frostbite or scurvy were yet recorded.
Christmas 1821 was illuminated by brilliant displays of the Aurora Borealis and the New Year by minus l22°F., with a severe wind-chill.  On 1st. February 1822 a large number of Eskimo were observed near the ships and their encampment later visited.

Parry may never have known of the Inuit interpretation of his arrival and his activities. But it was clear to the Inuit. He was the realization of Uinigumasuittuq’s prophecy* that her dog-children would return by ship. Despite the language barrier that separated the two races, the Inuit viewed Parry as their kin. This may explain why relations between the Inuit and their Qallunaat visitors remained friendly for most of that winter.

Their proximity afforded a welcome diversion and useful opportunity for scientific and social study of their customs, language, and adaptability to their environment and clothing. It is believed that it is from this encounter that the use of Parkas as a cold-weather clothing became known, an encounter for which many a person of later centuries shall long be grateful. Parry also purchased quantities of mittens for his crew’s protection, the former being more practical than gloves.

 


In May, Cmdr. Lyon led a shore party to scout north along the coast and by the end of the month, with the shore observatory dismantled, the ships were ready for sea as soon as the ice conditions permitted; however, not before they had buried three of their crew did they leave the gneiss rock safety of Winter Island. On July 1st., skirting the ice floe of Melville Peninsula, they sailed north using Eskimo maps as a guide to Igloolik, near the entrance to Fury and Hecla Strait, where they ‘fell in’ with more Eskimo at their summer encampment. This was the most important semi-permanent encampment on the peninsula. A combination of little summer melting and heavy ice produced an impenetrable barrier in Fury and Hecla Strait and prevented the ships from effecting its passage, though they did succeed in making Amherst Island. Numerous shore parties reconnoitred both the south and north coasts and the islands in its midst, and ascertained that the strait led west to open sea (Gulf of Boothia) and an alternative entrance to a northwest passage. Parry was unaware, however, that his Cockburn Island was in fact part of Baffin Island.

The onset of early winter (or the lack of a summer) forced them to return to Igloolik where they again sought their way into their winter berths in Turton Bay. The proximity of the Eskimo helped relieve the boredom of another winter and afforded an opportunity to study their language and social customs, which was to be of considerable assistance to future expeditions. Parry learned to paddle a kayak and both he and Lyon mastered the art of driving a dogsled confirming their importance as a mode of polar travel and transportation. (On one occasion 11 dogs carried over 2,500 Lbs. between the ships.)  The shore hunting parties of the following summer explored possible exits from Fury & Hecla strait into the Gulf of Boothia but to no avail.

Ice conditions affording little possibility of progress and the strong probability of a third enforced over-winter in the Arctic, coupled with the fact that twenty-seven months dependency on their ships resources were beginning to wear the crew’s resistance to scurvy, Parry, therefore thought it would be prudent to return to England as soon as possible. Having extricated themselves from the ice on the 12th. August 1823, they were again beset in a southward drifting floe for 26 days, during which time they were in a very perilous situation eventually being carried over some 300 miles in 35 days, at last affecting a providential escape. Indeed it was not until 1948 that eventually a U.S. icebreaker managed to navigate the strait.

Returning to a tumultuous welcome in Lerwick, Scotland 10 October 1823, Parry left the ships at Whitby taking with him the ship’s papers. Both vessels then continued on to Deptford, whence they arrived October 21st. bringing with them two and a half years of accumulated geological, botanical, zoological specimens as well as carefully documented scientific and anthropological observations. There, the news of his father's death awaited him, an event that was so keenly felt that it greatly increased his faith in God and his zeal for religion.

Given the potential for disaster amid the heavy ice of the area, which even today makes navigation extremely hazardous, one might speculate as to whether it was the chain of fortuitous circumstances, compared to the experiences of other captains, or the remarkable feats of seamanship that preserved their wind driven ships, entirely at the mercy of the elements and returned them safely to England, for both Parry and Lyon were remarkably modest of their accomplishments.

*https://nunatsiaq.com/stories/article/the-return-of-the-dog-children-parry-and-lyon-at-igloolik/

 

Captn Parry at 28
Captain William Edward Parry
(19 December 1790 -8 July 1855) Parry, at 28
Mezzotint, (1820) after Samuel Drummond
 (not included in our collection)

Knighted 1829, Rear Admiral, Hydrographer to the Navy (1825-29), Lieutenant-Governor of Greenwich Hospital and accomplished violinist, was a son of a prominent family of the glorious city of Bath. After joining the Navy at thirteen, it was however as a young Lieutenant of 28 years that he first rose to prominence as the Royal Navy’s ‘blue-eyed boy’. Following his successful voyage of 1819-20 he was elected FRS. And was promoted to Captain and given command of a second voyage of exploration 1821-23.
Having failed to discover a passage to the Pacific, Parry had nonetheless charted and explored a considerable area of the Arctic, previously unknown, stretching from Southampton Island north to Baffin Island. In addition, the almost continual contact with the Inuit of Melville Peninsula yielded a wealth of information on their culture, way of life, and language, which was included in the published version of Parry’s journal of his voyage.
Parry held a more conventional early Victorian attitude toward interaction with indigenous natives with his eye fixed on the goal of exploration achievement, his actions influenced by deeply held religious morality and belief. He was somewhat disgusted by the savages and their customs.  He initially adopted an aloof stance, while interested to learn what he could of their language and culture, especially with regard to survival techniques, clothing and geographical knowledge. He felt a sense of moral duty toward them to supply their food wants when in distress.

Commander, later Captain George Francis Lyon F.R.S.
 (23 January 1795 – 8 October 1832)
 a.k.a.  Said-ben-Abdallah
 Oil on canvas, half-length portrait by John Jackson, in a fur-trimmed coat, holding a gun. (not included in our collection)

Geo Francis Lyon Port

Was a humanitarian officer who was interested in all aspects of natural science and philosophy, especially bird watching, which greatly appealed to him. He seems to have been particularly inspired by the beauties of the Arctic and its landscape and it's unapparent abundance of life, even more so than Parry, as the observations in his Journal reveal

He was more readily able to accept the shortcomings of the Eskimos they came into contact with and was at first less revolted by some of their customs than was Parry (possibly because of Lyon’s African experiences). Lyon adopted a kindly paternal attitude toward them and as his respect for the Eskimo grew, he entered wholeheartedly into many of their customs, ceremonies (including tattooing), preparing of food and participating in native games, although constantly surprised at their customary improvidence. Lyon’s interaction with the local Inuit of Winter Island increased his inquiring and sympathetic mind to delve deeper into their customs. His record has become an invaluable insight into the seasonal clothing, daily life activities and spiritual culture of the 19th.century Inuit of the area. It was during such interaction in February 1822 that Inuit throat singing was first recorded Lyon p.84/5. Indeed his observations and study of the Inuit he encountered on his 1822 voyage should distinguish him as one of the first British anthropologist and ethnologists and he should be regarded and recognized as such. The information he recorded about the Inuit tribes that he met proved valuable to later generations of anthropologists, such as Franz Boas and Knud Rasmussen who relied on his journals as a reference point for their own observations.

Lyon suffered from homesickness (due to their long isolation), however the theatricals, musical evenings, divine service initiated by Parry on board the ships, helped somewhat to ease his pain. 

References cited or consulted:
Parry, Cptn. William Edward. Journals of the First, Second and Third Voyages for the discovery of a North-West Passage….  5 vols in 3, John Murray London 1828.

 [Lyon Cptn. George F.] The private Journals of Captain G.F. Lyon of HMS Hecla. During the recent voyage of discovery under Captain Parry 1821-1823. Imprint Society, Barre, Ma, 1970.

Parry, W.E. Journal of a Second voyage for the discovery of a North-West passage.  London 1824.

Lyon, G.F. The Private Journal of Captain George Lyon.  London 1824.

Brandvold, Sarah Ann. Uinigumasuittuq: the pan-arctic sea woman tradition as a source of law and literary theory
https://era.library.ualberta.ca/items/cb71e329-6f17-48e9-bc4e-549c7d078b92/view/415cc3ed-6333-4316-bd4a-139d5386f9dd/Brandvold_Sarah_A_201803_MA.pdf

Harper, Kenn The return of the Dog children Parry and Lyon at Igloolik -Nunatsiaq News Jan 8th., 2021 https://nunatsiaq.com/stories/article/the-return-of-the-dog-children-parry-and-lyon-at-igloolik/
Lande, L. The Lawrence Lande Collection of Canadiana in the Redpath Library at McGill University - A bibliography. Montreal 1965
Lopez, B. Arctic Dreams  C. Scribner's sons, New York 1986.
Sabin, J. Bibliotheca Americana, A Dictionary of Books relating to America. New York 1868-1936
Cartographica. Explorers maps of the Canadian Arctic 1818-1860. Monograph No 6. York University, Toronto 1972.
Cooke, Alan & Holland, Clive. The Exploration of Northern Canada 500-1920 A chronology. The Arctic History Press, Toronto 1978
Mountfield, D. A History of Polar Exploration Dial Press New York 1974
Tooley Dict. Tooley, R.V. Tooley’s Dictionary of Mapmakers New York 1979
Kerr, D.G.G.  A Historical Atlas of Canada. Toronto 1960
Harris, R. Cole Historical Atlas of Canada Vol I. University of Toronto Press  1987
Dictionary of Canadian Biography: 

The Relevance of  Parry’s second arctic command 1821-1823

  • Scientific observations and data gathered on this voyage led to the present day study of the Cryosphere and eventual foundation of the National Snow and Ice Data Centre (NSIDC)
  • Tidal and weather observations were made which have relevance to today’s changing arctic climate.
  • Middleton’s discoveries of 1742 were confirmed.
  • Changes wrought by the interaction by traders and explorers with the indigenous native population were becoming evident.
  • Samples of the regions natural resources were gathered which have relevance to current natural resource development.
  • A host of geological, botanical, zoological specimens as well as careful scientific observations were gathered.
  • The natural history, detailed anthropology and customs were conducted following first contact with different Inuit groups of Arctic natives, these studies began to reach a wider audience.
  • Lyon’s observations and study of the Inuit he encountered on his 1822 voyage should distinguish him as one of the first British anthropologist and ethnologists and he should be regarded and recognized as such.
  • The first detailed ethnological record of the practice of native tattooing and Inuit throat singing recorded.
  • Native Inukshuks were recorded and their purpose examined.
  • The first use of Inuit maps was acknowledged by the Royal Navy and Inuit iconography added to a British chart.
  • Again, significant geographical information and place names were added to the map of Canada and the eastern Arctic. The first use of triangulation in Arctic cartography employed.
  • Further knowledge of the flora and fauna of the Canadian Arctic was gained.
  • Knowledge of over-wintering in Arctic was further refined.
  • The merit of having two identical exploration vessels, so that parts could be easily interchanged was confirmed.
  • Reinforcement of ships bows for ice breaking was introduced.
  • The introduction of cork insulation and condensation free hammocks as a substitute for beds.
  • Steam melting of ice for fresh water was adopted
  • The storage of anti-scorbutic lemon juice in kegs was introduced.
  • The crew adopted further adaptation of clothing from native designs, resulting in more practicable and appropriate winter clothing. -The Parka was born, as was much of our contemporary winter outdoor clothing including mittens.
  • The practical use of sleeping bags came into use and a Horseman’s tent was field tested under Arctic conditions.
  • The use of dogsled as an important mode of polar travel and transportation was confirmed.

PLEASE NOTE THAT THESE ITEMS MAY ONLY BE PURCHASED AS A COMPLETE SECTION


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Walker Gen Chart

WALKER – Arctic Regions
General Chart /shewing the track /of/ H.M. SHIPS/ FURY AND HECLA,/ on a Voyage/ for the Discovery of a/ NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, /A.D. 1821-22-23/the shaded parts of the coast shew the discoveries of this and the preceding expedition./

John WALKER          John Murray  London, Jan. 1824
State II. Printed on thin wove paper.  Uncoloured as issued. Some creasing & condition issues along borders.
10 x 23 ¼” ( 25.5 x 59 cm.)   
Ref. LRAm 808/DDL/a.dosa> RNN

The quest for the delineation of the Arctic regions and the northern North America continental coast are clearly summarized. Published in W.E. Parry Journal of a Second voyage for the discovery of a North-West passage.  London 1824. Engraved by John Walker. This is State II of a chart that originally appeared in the journal of Parry’s first command (Vide: Section 11 map 1). The title and imprint have been altered considerably from the first state. Although similar to the J. Walker charts that accompanied that of Parry’s first command, considerable changes in the geography of the Arctic due to the recent explorations are now evident. The delineation of the mouth of the Coppermine River has been altered and moved and that of the Mackenzie River added. The new discoveries along the coast of the Melville Peninsula and Fury & Hecla Strait are shown along with the assumed projected outline of Cockburn Island (in reality part of Baffin Is.). Further, the north shore of Hudson’s Strait is for the first time correctly delineated as is the north-east coast of Greenland between 70°& 80° and its west coast north of Godthaab. The tracks of Parry’s first voyage have been deleted in Davis Strait and Baffin Bay, but some of his soundings remain, however the tracks are still visible in the Barrow Strait region and the tracks of his second voyage added. The shaded areas represent the discoveries on both Parry’s voyages.
The mysteries of the quest to delineate the outline of the North American continental coastline are here laid down with a tantalizing projected outline picked in. Two insignificant small tears through the border have been neatly repaired. This chart also appeared in “The Private Journal of Captain George Lyon” London 1824.

 Vide: Cartographica #6 Map 23 

ANOTHER COPY Ref. LRAm809/DDL/a.dosa> RNN

 

Sect 14 Map of York Bay

 

BUSHNAN – Southampton Island

ENTRANCE/ To/ Duke of York/ BAY/1821/ drawn by J. Bushnan./

John Bushnan             John Murray. London. Jan.1824

Copper engraving printed on wove paper.  Uncoloured as issued.
9 ¼ x 6 1/8 ” (23.5 x 15.7 cm.)   
Ref. LRAm 686/L/l.dosr> OL

Published in W.E. Parry's Journal of a second voyage for the discovery of a North-West passage. London, 1824. This small plan drawn by John Bushnan and engraved by James Walker, shows details of the entrance to Duke of York Bay on the north east coast of Southampton Island.

When first encountered, Parry assumed the entrance to the bay to be the ‘Frozen Strait’ of Middleton (see section 1) which is in fact just to the north. However, as there was considerable drift ice in the vicinity and Middleton’s description was so confusing, Parry decided not to risk his ships before making a reconnaissance. Accompanied by James Clark Ross and a small crew, Parry sailed the Fury’s Gig (a rare example of this type of ship’s boat is preserved in the Scilly isles) to examine the entrance, on the birthday of H.R.H. Duke of York 15th.August 1821, for whom the bay is named. His track is shown as a dashed and dotted line. Prior to landing on Cape Welsford for the night, he named the Nias Islands after the Fury’s lieutenant and observed the treacherous Black Rocks.

Sheltered by the Gig’s sail, they spent the night on the gneiss rock beach of Southampton Island. They were surprised that the disintegrated limestone turned the waters of the entrance to milk white, which teamed with Sillocks, Narwhals, Beluga whale and Seals. Inland they saw deer and ancient stone circles of Eskimo summer dwellings. During the 16th. the Fury was brought through, following the zigzag course indicated on the plan, whereupon Mr. Bushnan was sent to the Hecla with a copy of this plan to assist in her passage. After examining Duke of York Bay over the following three days, the two ships departed by the more direct course for the passage of the Frozen Strait proper.

Some of the soundings and lines of observation used by Parry may also be seen on this plan. Lyon considered Duke of York Bay to be "one of the most magnificent and commodious harbours perhaps in the world, in which the whole British Navy might find anchorage" Lyon’s Private Journal p. 32

Vide: Cartographica #6 Map 24

maphurdchannel

BUSHNAN – Melville Peninsula

Plan/ of/ HURD/ CHANNEL/ 1821/ drawn by J. Bushnan./

John Bushnan             John Murray. London. Jan.1824 

Copper engraving printed on wove paper.  Uncoloured as issued.
 6 1/8 x 9 3/8 ” (17 x 23.8 cm.)   
Ref. LRAm 983/L/l.dosr> OL

A companion to the previous item showing the numerous tracks of the ships, their boats and land expeditions made while exploring the difficult Hurd Channel which lies between Bushnan and Vansittart Islands and the southern extremity of the Melville peninsula. Following the exploration of the Frozen Strait and Repulse Bay, Parry turned his attention to new exploration of the Melville Peninsula east coast. The normally very difficult navigation problems (even for today's ships) were then compounded by not knowing the uncertainties of a previously unexplored coast, but by drifting ice flows, intermittent fog and the exceptionally strong spring tide. The numerous tracks displayed on this little plan are a testament to Parry and Lyon’s navigational skills and cautious thoroughness in their exploration and charting.

Having brought the “Fury" and "Hecla” to within a mile of Bushnan Island where they were prevented by the ice from continuing. Dropping anchor on 23 August 1821 Parry dispatched a shore party under Cmdr. Lyon accompanied by assistant surveyor John Bushnan to reconnoitre. Landing first on Bushnan Island for observations (picked line) they proceeded to cross the channel in the ship’s Gig (dot and dash line) to Cape Montagu, thence overland (picked line), via the Red Feldspar heights of Brooks Bluff, to spot the entrance to Gore Bay, observing the remains of many Eskimo campsites en route before bad weather forced their return.
The drift of the ice and tide then forced the Fury and Hecla back into the Frozen Strait and 100 yards from destruction on Passage Island. Returning to the west side of Bushman Island (solid line) they tacked whilst Cmdr. Lyon and later Parry & Bushnan, surveyed the course to Duckett Cove in the ship’s boats (dot and dash lines).  The ships were then brought up and anchored in the cove on August 28th.

Lyon and Parry then took the ship’s boats to examine and survey the channel and surrounding islands, Lyon exploring into Gore Bay and Georgina Island, and Parry exploring Rouse and Vansittart Island. As much scientific and navigational data as well as natural history, botanical and geological specimens and samples were gathered in the short time allotted. Both the well-trained officers and the efficient crew assisted in this prerequisite requirement in what had now become a tradition for Royal Naval explorer personnel. The ship’s hunters had little success in acquiring extra game supply for their table. Returning to Duckett Cove, despite the deteriorating weather, the ships boats immediately set off, about a survey of the eastern portion of the channel, named for Sir Thomas Hurd (1753-1823), - hydrographer to the Royal Navy, a fitting memorial to a man who himself set new standards for the charting, preparation and publication of Admiralty charts.  This was a vital task, not only for its soundings, but the channel here has an ebb tide of six knots.

 

Looking at this plan it appears to be a deceptively simple task for a trained man, but one must keep in mind that before the Fury and Hecla could run through the channel (solid line) with the hope of any degree of safety, the survey had to be undertaken at speed, in small open boats at the mercy of high winds, amid fog and swift tides and surrounded by moving ice drift and floes. Even with having the plan drawn, the wind driven ships succeeded in sailing through only with difficulty and after the Fury sustaining some damage.

 Vide: Cartographica #6 Map 25

eskimochart1 eskimomap2 eskimochart3

THE FIRST PRINTED CHARTS DRAWN BY ESKIMO

ILIGLIUK  and EWERAT - Melville Peninsula

ESKIMAUX CHART/ No1/ Drawn by/ILIGLIUK/ at /Winter Island /1822/ the Original in the/ possession of/ Capn. Lyon

ESKIMAUX CHART/ No2/ The Shaded parts drawn/ by ILIGLIUK at /Winter Island /1822/the Original in the/ possession of/ Capn. Parry

ESKIMAUX CHART/ No3/ The Shaded parts drawn/ by EWERAT, at/ Winter Island /1822/ the Original in the/ possession of/ Capn. Parry/

Iligliuk and Ewerat    [London 1824] Lithograph, printed on wove paper.  Uncoloured as issued.
Each 10 x 8” approx. (25.5 x 20 cm.) 3 charts

Ref. LRAm 985/4/7/Lea/l.dosr> AAL

A remarkable set of three charts published in W.E. Parry Journal of a second voyage for the discovery of a North-West passage. London, 1824. Lithographed by Hullmandel. Being the first printed charts to be drawn by Eskimos. Remarkable, for the Eskimo (Inuit) with their oral tradition, had no need to rely on drawn maps. Particularly those that set down in the manner of European spatial tradition, for being a nomadic culture the Inuit have different concepts of space time and distance. It was, then with some surprise and mirth that the two Eskimos greeted Parry and Lyon’s suggestion that they each draw maps in the manner of Parry’s charts of Melville Peninsula.

Parry and Lyon’s crews had befriended the community of Eskimos to which Iligliuk and Ewerat belonged during their enforced sojourn off Winter Island. Iligliuk, the cartographer of charts 1 & 2 was a female of a particularly inquiring mind and in Parry’s opinion intelligent enough to perceive that a rendering of the continuation of the coast north of Winter Island was required of her. Iligliuk obviously perceived the idea of a large scale map quite literally, for as she began to delineate the coast northward, her original manuscript began to fill page after page, as she began to run out of space. In all she covered 12 sheets tacked end to end before she finished. But a passable map had been obtained delineating the indented coastline and showing resting places (each a day’s journey) to the traditional rendezvous point of the Eskimo at Igloolik. She also showed place names.


Indeed, both Parry and Lyon repeatedly stressed in their respective journals how comforting and useful it was to have such charts available to them when faced with a difficult passage along an ice strewn and treacherous coast. It should gladden the heart of feminists to know that he held both Iligliuk and her charts in particular esteem. However, due to the deference paid to her by Parry, Lyon and other officers for her interpretation, cartographical and general intellectual skills, Iligliuk between February and May 1822 became quite conceited and spoilt. She showed great affection toward her husband Okotook, by whom she had a somewhat gluttonous son, with a remarkable aptitude for ventriloquism.

Charts 2 & 3 are other remarkably accurate delineations of Melville Peninsula on a different scale showing more internal details. With observations as to the wildlife and topography.

It was found however that when other Eskimos were also asked to draw the same coastline that no two conceptions were the same; and were entirely fanciful but Parry and Lyon considered that those of Iligliuk and Ewerat whom Parry thought "a quite sensible man, who was also respectable… who gave circumstantial accounts of every event of his journies” to be the most reliable. Ewerat became known to the ship’s companies as "the conjuror” due to his dubious skills as a ‘spirit healer’ or Ang-et-kook. He had a son who suffered from a mental disorder who was accidentally killed on the way to Igloolik.
These three charts are also significant for it is interesting to note that after this intercourse with the Eskimos of Winter Island in 1822, Parry started to retain some of the native place names on his own charts and maps.

Vide: Cartographica #6 Maps 26,27,28


Parry 2nd voyage chart 1821,22,23

BUSHNAN -  Melville Peninsula

CHART/ of a part of the/ North Eastern Coast/ of /AMERICA/ and its adjacent Islands/ shewing the /TRACK and DISCOVERIES/ of/ His Majesty’s Ships /FURY and HECLA/ in search of a/ NORTH WEST PASSAGE,/ under the command of CAPTn W.E. PARRY in the years/ 1821,1822,1823./and drawn under his immediate inspection by J. BUSHNAN R.N. Midn and Assistant Surveyor./

John Bushnan                     J. Murray, London 1824
Original hand-tinted lithograph, small repair to lower left corner.
22 x 31 ¼” (56 x 79.5 cm) 
Ref. LRAm1104/DSL/dd.dosl> LAL ??

A fine chart drawn by midshipman John Bushnan under Parry’s inspection and tuition, the former being Admiralty Hydrographer Thomas Hurd’s appointee as assistant surveyor, and lithographed by John Walker.

This chart was published in W.E. Parry’s “Journal of a second voyage for the discovery of a Northwest passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific” London 1824.

Shown are Parry and Lyon’s outward and return tracks in H.M.S. Fury and Hecla as they followed the course of the early arctic mariner explorers by sailing through the Fox channel to the north eastern side of Southampton Island and via the Frozen Straight into Repulse Bay. Although confusing at first, it was later confirmed that Middleton's observations regarding Repulse Bay were indeed accurate.

It may be observed from the chart, that after making the difficult passage of the ice and shoal strewn Hurd Channel, the ships drifted into the pack-ice from the 1- 4 September 1821 in a south-easterly direction, to cross their track of a month earlier, before open water permitted them to head north once more and discover Lyon Inlet and Gore Bay. Parry's excursions in the ship’s boat through the treacherous ice to examine and survey the head of the inlet and its connection with Ross Bay are also shown. After a week in their anchorage of Safety Cove (off the ‘Bay of 42 shoals’), with winter fast approaching and the sea ice or ‘nilas’ thickening hourly around them, Parry and Lyon decided to make for a safe haven in which to over-winter. Winter Island being quickly decided upon, the ships were manœuvred into the anchorage in 5 to 6 fathoms, by sawing a lead of two to three hundred yards long. Although not entirely happy about the possibility of the ships being caught in a winter ice nip, nevertheless, the location adjacent to Cape Fisher, was the best available given the circumstances.

For the next 267 days they were beset in the ice, during 90 of which the sun was not visible. The tedium of wintering-over was however, relieved by the arrival of a group of Eskimos which were befriended. From them mittens and artefacts were traded for trinkets, kettles and iron goods that the ship’s company provided. Much reliable knowledge of the regions geography was also gained.

15th. March 1822 saw the first abortive attempt to reconnoitre the island by sled. Caught in a severe storm Lyon’s party, suffering from severe frostbite, were extremely fortunate to regain the ships (more by chance than skill).

A second attempt was made between May 8 and 21st when dressed in Eskimo hunters deerskin clothing and wearing snowshoes, Lyon, Palmer and eight others walked along the ice-bound shore to chart the coastline and name Hoppner and Bird straits, Blake and Palmer bays along with numerous other headlands. Victualled for 20 days they each pulled a small sled designed after those used by Franklin on his first expedition (see section 12). Lyon and Palmer pulled 95 pounds apiece whilst the men hauled 126 pounds each. Despite the black crêpe worn for eye protection, many of the party suffered from snow blindness. Nevertheless their objective was achieved and their tracks of the discoveries are seen on this chart. Many observations were made as to geology and topography, even the numbers of birds were counted.

 

Following the death of a crew member, during the month of June, Parry, Lyon and the ships’  companies endeavoured to saw their way out of Winter quarters by cutting two canals over 15 days. The first, between the ships and the second, a lead out of the bay. Regaining open water, the two ships skirted the shore ice, observing the coastal configurations, which confirmed the accuracy of the Eskimo maps, on the way north along the Melville peninsula.

Aside from Parry’s tracks and discoveries, this handsome chart also depicts those of Luke Fox (1631), Yourin, Middleton (1743) and Baffin (1616). The many notes on the geology of the area explored by Parry and Lyon together with what is probably the first incorporation of Inuit toponymy into a British chart, make this a significant contribution to Canadian arctic cartography.

 

Vide: Clements Vol. I p.131
          Sabin 58864
          Cartographica #6 Map 30

 


Parry 2nd voyage Chart of NE America 1822/23

BUSHNAN -  Melville Peninsula

CHART/ of a part of the/ North Eastern Coast/ of /AMERICA/ and its adjacent Islands,/ shewing the /TRACK and DISCOVERIES/ of/ His Majesty’s Ships /FURY and HECLA/ in search of a/ NORTH WEST PASSAGE,/ under the command of CAPTn W.E. PARRY in the years/ 1822,1823/and drawn under his immediate inspection by J. BUSHNAN R.N. Midn and Assistt Surveyor./

John Bushnan                     J. Murray, London Jan. 1824

Original lithograph, some loss to right hand border. professionally rebacked.
22 x 28 1/8” (56 x 71.5 cm)
 
 Ref. LRAm1108/DDG/a.dosg> LNN ??

A continuation of the previous chart also published in Parry’s Journal of a second voyage…. London 1824. It depicts in considerable detail some of the difficulties that Parry and Lyon’s ships experienced in gaining and mapping the Fury and Hecla Strait and the northeast coast and adjacent items of the Melville Peninsula. As succinctly described by Lopez in his monumental book  ‘Arctic Dreams’ “mapmaking in the Arctic presented Europeans with several problems, the season for ship travel, to begin with, was very short and during these summer months much of the coast line was either shrouded in fog or blocked by ice. Alternatively, the same conditions that created mirages distorted the coasts and caused inconsistent readings when the ship tried to fix its own position. The sheer length of the coastline, and the bareness and ruggedness of the land where survey parties had to put ashore, made this formidable task even more daunting” p.287 note.

The track of the ships indicate some hair-raising moments amid the ice flows and bear witness to the many attempts to find a passage through the pack ice during a six week period between July and August 1822, in the vicinity of Igloolik and the southern tip of Cockburn Island (Baffin Island). A task made the more frustrating by the difficulties encountered in trying to ascertain the set of the tides. Notes as to their mineralogical observations, along with Eskimo and European place names are given for the many new discoveries.

The overland tracks of Lyon’s walking expedition in a fruitless attempt to procure salmon as he explored and named Coxe islandsare shown. Similarly, those of Parry and his reconnaissance party of five on their walk over the disintegrating sea ice in the direction of the Bouverie Islands whence they rounded Cape North East, thus becoming the first recorded Europeans to round the tip of the N.E. American mainland and gaze on the Fury and Hecla Straitbefore their return trek to the ships.
Parry learned from the Inuit in the area that a strait north of their position reputedly led to open water to the west.

When the ice set the ships free, Parry made his way to what is now known as the Fury and Hecla Strait. Sadly the strait was choked with ice, although expeditions on foot did reveal a body of water to the west.

The summer sailing season had lasted only 65 days of which most have been spent battling the ice. Indeed, the last 25 days had been spent making a slow and extremely difficult passage in the Fury and Hecla strait itself, during which the ships had moved only 40 miles west of Igloolik, to the vicinity of Amherst Island. Numerous shore party attempts were made to explore both the uninhabited north and south shores of the strait and the intervening ice for any possible leads to open water, also to further ascertain the set of the tides. Observations and mineral samples were obtained as best they could, weather permitting. On 24 September 1822, the ice forced them to abandon any further attempt and having been extremely fortunate not to be trapped in its grip, they made for Igloolik to over-winter.

Along with Repulse Bay (Aÿ-wî-līk today Naujaat ᓇᐅᔮᑦ ) and Wager River (Noò-woōk), Igloolik (ᐃᒡᓗᓕᒃ) had been an important winter meeting place of the few nomadic Eskimo for centuries and the amounts of scattered remains of both animal and human bones bear witness to the fact. There were actually three communities on the island, one consisting of about eleven huts, the other of about five, situated a mile away from the ships, and the summer tents we're gradually replaced by snow houses as the igloos were constructed over the seal and walrus skin tents. A third community of six huts was about 20 miles to the north.

The experience gained on Parry's former voyage and also the previous winter proved invaluable. Having cut the ships into Turton Bay, with the condensation stoves lit and fire precautions along with other winter preparations taken, the Theatre Royal went into rehearsals for its fortnightly play. A school was set up for the hands and the North Georgia Gazette resumed publication. The free Admiralty issue snow boots proved an effective method of combating frostbite; whilst the 100 Lbs. of Cress grown onboard, together with the lemon juice and cranberries provided to each man proved, once again to be an efficacious anti-scorbutic. The proximity of the Eskimo was unquestionably the most effective anti-boredom tonic as they provided the entire crew endless opportunity for amusement, scientific and social studies. Parry set up a hospital for the natives alongside, whilst both ships provided food and blanket relief when necessity arose.

In April 1823, Parry decided that there were inadequate supplies to furnish both ships should a third over-wintering become necessary. He therefore revictualled the Fury for one year from the Hecla’s stores with the intention of having the Hecla to return to Britain while the Fury continued to explore further.

With signs of the summer break-up approaching in the decaying sea-ice and melting snow, various exploration and finishing journeys were undertaken. Both Parry and Lyon used their dog sleds as a greatly improved, more efficient and comfortable mode of travel than footslogging.

By August 8th. 1823, after 318 days in winter quarters, the Fury had been sawed clear of the ice following the longest period of fine weather - of only five days, experienced by the ships companies since commencing their voyage in 1821. The ship was manœuvred into a canal partially created by the action of the sun melting a sand covered path. The Hecla however, was still trapped within a heavy ice floe, which eventually drifted her into deeper water before separating. Parry meanwhile, had inspected the pack ice and found it to be substantially more solid across the strait than the previous year, as may be seen from the chart.
It was with regret therefore, that Parry taking into consideration the ice situation and especially the deteriorating health and moral of his crew (a number of disturbing incidences of scurvy having been experienced – even one by Parry himself) plus the lack of provisions, decided to abandon his planned exploration and terminate the voyage.

 

After he erected on the mainland a 56-foot Flagstaff with a 10-foot canvas ball atop and a canister containing a description of the voyage and winter sojourn buried beneath, lest his friend Captain Franklin should have chanced that way (its location being marked on this chart).

Parry states that this general chart of the Strait of Fury and Hecla and area adjacent to Igloolik, was compiled by Mr. John Bushnan midn. and constructed on board the Fury by means of a series of triangles, (the first use of triangulation in Arctic cartography, which were originally on a much larger scale). As may be seen, delineated is not only the new land seen, together with the tracks of the ships, but also those of the various shore and ship’s boat parties; soundings, positions, dips, variations, and topographical features are shown. The right hand margin and border have been repaired, the whole being de-acidified and re-backed to museum standards to better preserve this important chart.

Vide: Clements Vol. I p131
Sabin 58864
Cartographica #6 map 29